India’s Dirtiest Politics — 100 Days, 100 Scandals Day 75: Praveen Togadia — The Hardliner Who Vanished
THE CHARGE Praveen Togadia, former international working president of the Vishva Hindu Parishad (VHP), was alleged to have amassed undisclosed assets disproportionate to his known sources of income. In 2018, the Gujarat Police filed an FIR against him under the Prevention of Corruption Act, accusing him of possessing ₹8.61 crore in cash and gold worth ₹1.5 crore without valid documentation. No conviction has been recorded. Separately, he was accused of inciting communal violence through speeches in the early 2000s, though no charges in these cases led to a trial.
THE BACKSTORY Praveen Togadia was once the face of Hindu hardline politics in India. A surgeon by training, he rose through the ranks of the VHP in the 1990s, becoming its international working president in 2003. His influence peaked during the Ram Janmabhoomi movement, where he was seen as a key strategist alongside leaders like Ashok Singhal. By the early 2000s, he was a central figure in the Sangh Parivar, with direct access to the BJP’s top leadership, including Narendra Modi, then Gujarat’s chief minister.
Togadia’s power stemmed from his ability to mobilize crowds, control factions within the VHP, and shape the BJP’s Hindutva agenda. He was untouchable not just because of his organizational clout but because he operated in a political ecosystem where the VHP’s street power was leveraged to pressure governments. His speeches—often inflammatory—were rarely acted upon by law enforcement, even when they violated hate speech laws. The 2002 Gujarat riots, where the VHP played a controversial role, cemented his reputation as a polarizing figure.
By 2014, however, Togadia’s relationship with Modi had soured. The BJP’s electoral victory under Modi’s leadership marginalized hardliners like Togadia, who were seen as liabilities in the party’s new, development-focused image. His influence waned rapidly. In 2018, he was expelled from the VHP after a power struggle with its new leadership, which was perceived to be aligned with the Modi government. His fall from grace was as swift as his rise.
THE MECHANISM The 2018 FIR against Togadia was triggered by a raid conducted by the Gujarat Anti-Terrorism Squad (ATS) at his residence in Ahmedabad. The raid, ostensibly part of an investigation into "suspicious cash transactions," uncovered ₹8.61 crore in cash and gold worth ₹1.5 crore. Togadia claimed the money was donations for the VHP, but the ATS alleged it was unaccounted wealth. The case was later transferred to the state’s Anti-Corruption Bureau (ACB).
The mechanism of Togadia’s alleged financial irregularities remains unclear. The VHP, like many Sangh-affiliated organizations, operates with minimal financial transparency. Donations—often in cash—are a primary source of funding, but there is no public audit trail. Togadia’s defense hinged on the argument that the money was collected for religious and social work, but the ACB’s investigation failed to establish a paper trail linking the cash to legitimate sources.
Separately, Togadia’s speeches in the early 2000s were documented in media reports and police complaints. In 2003, he was booked under Section 153A (promoting enmity between groups) of the Indian Penal Code for a speech in Gujarat’s Godhra town, where he allegedly called for a "Hindu rashtra." The case was later dropped. In 2005, he was accused of inciting violence in Vadodara during the demolition of a Sufi shrine, but no charges were framed. These cases were never pursued to trial, raising questions about selective enforcement.
The most damning evidence against Togadia came from a 2002 sting operation by Tehelka magazine, where he was recorded discussing the VHP’s role in the Gujarat riots. In the tapes, he allegedly boasted about the organization’s ability to "teach Muslims a lesson." The sting was never used as evidence in court, but it became a key document in understanding the VHP’s alleged involvement in communal violence.
THE INVESTIGATION The 2018 cash seizure case was initially investigated by the Gujarat ATS, which handed it over to the ACB. The ACB’s probe focused on whether Togadia had violated the Prevention of Corruption Act by failing to explain the source of the cash. However, the investigation stalled. No chargesheet was filed, and the case was eventually transferred to the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) in 2019 at the request of the Gujarat High Court.
The CBI’s involvement did not lead to a breakthrough. The agency reportedly faced pressure to drop the case, with sources alleging that the central government was reluctant to pursue Togadia, given his past association with the Sangh Parivar. The investigation remained inconclusive, and no further action was taken.
The hate speech cases against Togadia were investigated by local police in Gujarat, but none progressed beyond the initial FIR stage. The Tehelka sting, which could have provided critical evidence, was never pursued by any investigative agency. The media’s role in exposing Togadia’s alleged incitement was limited to reporting, with no legal follow-up.
THE LEGAL STATUS The disproportionate assets case against Togadia remains pending with the CBI. No chargesheet has been filed. The hate speech cases from the early 2000s were either dropped or remain in limbo. Togadia was never convicted in any case related to financial irregularities or incitement. The Tehelka sting remains an untested piece of evidence.
THE PATTERN Togadia’s case is a textbook example of the "riot-and-protect" cycle that has defined Hindu nationalist politics in India. The pattern works like this: Hardline leaders incite communal tensions to mobilize their base, but when violence erupts, they are shielded from legal consequences. The state apparatus—police, judiciary, and investigative agencies—often fails to hold them accountable, either due to political pressure or institutional bias.
Togadia’s rise and fall also mirror the BJP’s shifting priorities. In the 1990s and early 2000s, the party relied on hardliners like him to consolidate its Hindu vote bank. But by 2014, with Modi at the helm, the BJP sought to project a more moderate image, sidelining figures like Togadia who were seen as electoral liabilities. His marginalization was not just personal but part of a larger strategy to rebrand the party.
THE QUESTION NOBODY ANSWERED Why did the Gujarat Police raid Togadia’s residence in 2018, years after he had lost political relevance? The timing—just months after his expulsion from the VHP and amid reports of his falling out with the Modi government—raises suspicions of a politically motivated action. Was the raid an attempt to silence a critic, or was it a genuine anti-corruption operation? The lack of a chargesheet or further investigation leaves this question unanswered.
This newsletter reports documented allegations, court records, and published investigations. Readers are encouraged to consult primary sources.