THE GREAT INDIAN DEBATE — DAY 20 Should caste be recorded in the national census?
THE STAKES In June 2024, the Supreme Court dismissed a plea seeking caste enumeration in the 2021 Census, calling it a "policy matter" for the government. Meanwhile, the Bihar government’s 2022 caste survey—releasing data on 214 castes—sparked nationwide debates. The Union government has resisted a nationwide caste census, arguing it could deepen divisions. But OBC leaders, including Nitish Kumar and Rahul Gandhi, demand it, claiming it’s the only way to ensure accurate reservation benefits. The stakes? A policy that could reshape political alliances, welfare schemes, and even the definition of social justice in India.
THE ARGUMENT FOR The strongest case for recording caste in the census rests on three pillars: constitutional justice, empirical accuracy, and political representation. First, the Constitution mandates reservations for Scheduled Castes (SCs), Scheduled Tribes (STs), and Other Backward Classes (OBCs), but OBC data is outdated—the last comprehensive caste census was in 1931. Without current data, how can we ensure reservations reflect today’s demographics? The Mandal Commission’s 1980 report, which estimated OBCs at 52% of the population, was based on extrapolations, not hard numbers. A caste census would correct this, ensuring benefits reach the most marginalised.
Second, proponents argue that caste is already a lived reality in India—ignoring it doesn’t make it disappear. The Rohini Commission, tasked with sub-categorising OBCs, found that just 10% of OBC castes corner 25% of reservation benefits, while 983 castes have negligible access. A caste census would expose these disparities, allowing for targeted interventions. As sociologist Satish Deshpande notes, "Caste data is not about division; it’s about visibility for those who’ve been invisible for centuries."
Finally, there’s the political dimension. Caste-based mobilisation has shaped Indian democracy since independence. A caste census would give political parties concrete data to address grievances, reducing reliance on anecdotal claims. The Bihar survey, for instance, revealed that Extremely Backward Classes (EBCs) make up 36% of the state’s population but hold minimal political power. Without data, their demands remain unheard.
THE ARGUMENT AGAINST Opponents of caste enumeration warn that it risks entrenching divisions in a society already fractured by identity politics. The most compelling argument is that a caste census could harden caste identities, making them the primary lens through which Indians see themselves and others. As former Chief Justice of India, S.H. Kapadia, observed, "Caste is a reality, but its enumeration in the census could make it a permanent reality." The fear is that instead of moving toward a casteless society, we’d institutionalise caste as an immutable marker of identity.
Second, there’s the practical challenge of accuracy. Caste is fluid—inter-caste marriages, urbanisation, and economic mobility have blurred traditional boundaries. How do you classify someone whose parents are from different castes? Or a Dalit who has converted to Buddhism? The 2011 Socio-Economic and Caste Census (SECC) was riddled with errors, with over 46 lakh caste entries rejected for being "unclear." A flawed census could lead to misallocation of resources, benefiting the vocal and organised castes at the expense of the truly marginalised.
Finally, there’s the risk of political exploitation. Caste data could become a tool for vote-bank politics, with parties competing to promise more reservations rather than addressing structural inequalities. Economist Surjit Bhalla argues that "reservations based on caste have outlived their utility" and that economic criteria would be fairer. A caste census might also reignite demands for reservations in private sector jobs and promotions, further polarising society.
THE HIDDEN DIMENSION Most debates on caste enumeration ignore the economic interests at play. Reservations are not just about social justice—they’re a multi-billion-rupee industry. Government jobs, educational seats, and contracts reserved for SCs, STs, and OBCs create powerful vested interests. A caste census could disrupt this equilibrium. For instance, if data shows that certain OBC groups are no longer "backward," their political leaders might resist losing their share of the reservation pie. Conversely, dominant castes within the OBC category—like Yadavs in Bihar or Vokkaligas in Karnataka—could use the data to consolidate their hold over benefits, sidelining smaller castes.
There’s also the question of who controls the narrative. The Bihar caste survey was conducted by the state government, not the Centre, raising concerns about bias. If the Union government conducts a caste census, will it be used to justify expanding reservations—or to argue that they’ve outlived their purpose? The hidden dimension here is power: whoever controls the data controls the discourse on social justice.
WHERE INDIANS STAND There’s no nationwide survey on caste enumeration, but state-level data offers clues. In Bihar, 63% of respondents in a 2023 Indian Express-CVoter poll supported the state’s caste survey, with higher approval among OBCs and Dalits. In Uttar Pradesh, a 2022 Lokniti-CSDS survey found that 54% of OBCs and 62% of Dalits favoured a caste census, compared to 38% of upper castes. The divide is clear: marginalised groups see it as a tool for empowerment, while dominant castes fear it could dilute their privileges.
YOUR VIEW If caste data is the only way to ensure justice for the marginalised, but it also risks deepening divisions, is there a middle ground—like a one-time caste census with a sunset clause?
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