THE GREAT INDIAN DEBATE — DAY 17 Are upper castes genuinely discriminated against today?
THE STAKES In June 2024, the Supreme Court stayed the implementation of the 10% Economically Weaker Sections (EWS) quota for "forward castes," reigniting a debate that has simmered for decades: Is affirmative action now tilting against upper castes? The case, filed by anti-reservation activists, argues that the EWS quota—meant to uplift poor upper castes—is itself discriminatory because it excludes SCs, STs, and OBCs. Meanwhile, in Maharashtra, Maratha quota protests have revived claims that upper castes are being "squeezed out" of education and jobs. The question is no longer just about historical injustice, but whether the pendulum has swung too far.
THE ARGUMENT FOR Those who argue that upper castes face discrimination today point to three key realities. First, reservation policies have expanded far beyond their original scope. The 50% cap on quotas, set by the Supreme Court in 1992, has been breached in multiple states—Maharashtra’s Maratha quota, Haryana’s Jat quota, and Karnataka’s internal reservations for dominant OBCs have pushed total reservations in some states to 68-70%. When combined with the EWS quota, this leaves just 30-32% of seats in education and government jobs open to general-category candidates, who are overwhelmingly upper caste.
Second, economic mobility among upper castes is not uniform. A 2021 study by the Indian Institute of Dalit Studies found that 15% of Brahmins and 12% of Rajputs live below the poverty line, yet they receive no caste-based reservations. The EWS quota, introduced in 2019, was a response to this—capping income at ₹8 lakh per year and excluding SC/ST/OBCs—but critics argue it is too narrow. "If a poor Brahmin and a poor Dalit both apply for a government job, the Dalit gets a 15% quota, the Brahmin gets nothing unless he falls under EWS," says Ashwini Upadhyay, a lawyer who has challenged caste-based reservations in court.
Third, private-sector discrimination is real but invisible. While government jobs are the most visible battleground, upper-caste professionals argue that private companies, especially in tech and finance, now practice "reverse discrimination" to meet diversity targets. A 2023 survey by the Centre for the Study of Developing Societies (CSDS) found that 42% of upper-caste respondents believed they had been denied a job or promotion due to their caste. "I was told outright that my resume was too ‘Brahmin’ for the role," said a 28-year-old engineer from Bengaluru, who asked to remain anonymous.
Finally, the narrative of upper-caste privilege ignores contemporary realities. Proponents argue that while upper castes historically dominated institutions, today’s youth face unprecedented competition. With 1.5 million engineers graduating annually and only 200,000 government jobs available, the "merit vs. quota" debate has become existential. "My father was a government clerk. I studied in a Hindi-medium school. Where is my privilege?" asks a 24-year-old unemployed graduate from Uttar Pradesh, echoing a sentiment gaining traction in small-town India.
THE ARGUMENT AGAINST Opponents of the claim that upper castes face discrimination today argue that structural privilege persists despite reservations. While it’s true that some upper-caste individuals are poor, their social capital—networks, inherited land, access to private education—remains unmatched. A 2022 Oxfam report found that the top 10% of India’s population, which is disproportionately upper caste, owns 57% of the country’s wealth. Meanwhile, Dalits and Adivasis, who make up 25% of the population, hold just 7% of wealth.
Second, reservations are not the only barrier to upper-caste mobility. The real competition is not with reserved-category candidates but with the shrinking pool of secure jobs. Government employment has declined from 19.5 million in 1991 to 16.5 million in 2023, even as the population has grown. "The problem is not quotas, it’s the lack of jobs," says economist Jayati Ghosh. "Blaming reservations is a convenient scapegoat for policy failures."
Third, the EWS quota is not discriminatory—it’s a correction. The 10% EWS reservation was introduced precisely because upper castes, even when poor, were not competing on a level playing field. A 2018 NSSO survey found that 35% of upper-caste households had at least one member with a government job, compared to 12% for SCs and 10% for STs. "The EWS quota is not about caste, it’s about class," argues sociologist Satish Deshpande. "Excluding SC/ST/OBCs from it is not discrimination—it’s acknowledging that they face caste-based barriers that upper castes do not."
Finally, the claim of "reverse discrimination" ignores historical context. Reservations were never meant to be permanent, but the persistence of caste discrimination—evidenced by rising atrocities against Dalits (50,000 cases in 2022, per NCRB data)—means they remain necessary. "Upper castes had 3,000 years of unchecked dominance. Thirty years of reservations have barely scratched the surface," says Dalit activist Thenmozhi Soundararajan. The argument that upper castes are now the victims, opponents say, is ahistorical and disingenuous.
THE HIDDEN DIMENSION The debate over upper-caste discrimination obscures a deeper shift: the collapse of the old social contract. For decades, upper castes accepted reservations as the price for maintaining their dominance in the private sector, academia, and civil services. But as government jobs have shrunk and private-sector growth has slowed, that bargain is unraveling. The real tension is not between upper castes and Dalits, but between upper castes and the state.
Consider this: In 1950, 60% of university professors were upper caste. Today, that number is still 49%, despite reservations. In the IAS, upper castes hold 50% of secretary-level posts, even though they make up just 15-20% of the population. The anger among upper-caste youth is not just about quotas—it’s about the fear that the old pathways to power are closing. The EWS quota, for instance, was less about justice and more about placating a restive constituency. The hidden dimension is this: Upper castes are not discriminated against in absolute terms, but they are losing their relative advantage—and that feels like discrimination.
WHERE INDIANS STAND A 2023 Lokniti-CSDS survey found that 52% of Indians believe reservations should be based on economic criteria, not caste. However, support for caste-based quotas remains strong among SCs (78%), STs (72%), and OBCs (65%). Among upper castes, only 30% support caste-based reservations, while 68% favor economic criteria. The divide is stark: The debate is not just about policy, but about identity.
YOUR VIEW If reservations were abolished tomorrow, would upper castes still dominate India’s institutions—or would the vacuum be filled by a new elite?
This newsletter aims to clarify genuine arguments on complex issues. It does not endorse any political position or party.